From Stone Gods to Hearts of Stone: The Moral Lobotomy of Paganism

India: Idols Without Conscience

By Jayant Bhandari

July 8, 2025

Right next to our college in India stood a temple dedicated to Rani Sati, a woman who committed sati—ritual self-immolation—sometime between the 13th and 17th centuries. The vagueness of the date is telling: Indians—like much of the Third World—did not historically maintain systematic records. The British compiled much of what is known about India’s past, including the lives of its so-called great kings.

Civilizations such as Greece, Rome, and China preserved detailed historical records to extract moral lessons and maintain a sense of continuity. India, by contrast, relied on scattered oral traditions and myths, offering no stable chronology or critical framework.

Without the civilizational anchors of truth-seeking, introspection, and hence a shared moral vocabulary, society was fixated on short-term gain, blind to history’s causes and consequences. Change was viewed not as a moral necessity, but as a threat to the established order. It was Groundhog Day

Avoiding Western terms—such as justice, truth, honor, fairness, honesty, and system—when explaining India is challenging. Yet, using these words clouds your understanding of its amorality. You are trying to judge an alien culture by Western standards—projecting rather than understanding. These Western concepts hold little meaning in the Indian context. Employing them traps the Western mind in dualities—good and evil, right and wrong, justice and injustice—while the Indian amoral mindset lacks such binary distinctions. It acts on what is expedient and what maximizes resource acquisition. There is no inner compass, only the shifting logic of the moment.

In such a culture, the abused does not seek redress but instead redirects the injury downward—toward someone weaker—to restore balance or secure advantage. Moral outrage is absent; in its place is a servile ingratiation. As Western ideals circulate today, this mindset stands in uneasy contradiction with imported, superficial notions of dignity and justice—values loudly professed but not internalized. The result is psychological fragmentation: the individual is unmoored, neither grounded in India’s past nor receptive to the ethical demands of the West. Whatever space once existed for moral growth, self-examination, or feedback has been buried beneath a polished, hollow modernity.

The amorality that characterizes Indian society can be traced to its religious landscape. Far from a coherent system of faith or values, Indian religiosity resists unified doctrine and clings to fragmented, local rituals and symbolic acts, divorced from introspection or ethical inquiry.

It is worth asking where Rani Sati fits within the so-called Hindu pantheon. Growing up, few people I knew identified as “Hindu.” Instead, they followed local deities, family gods, or regional traditions. The very idea of “Hinduism” as a unified religion was a colonial construction—an abstract category that was still slowly filtering into Indian consciousness. In reality, there was no singular pantheon, no coherent system. The transition to this manufactured identity met little resistance because Indian religions were not grounded in commandments, moral doctrines, or values comparable to those in the Abrahamic faiths or classical Western philosophy.

One casualty of this misguided fusion—based on the false assumption of a moral foundation—has been the widespread misunderstanding of Indian religiosity, both by outsiders and, increasingly, by Indians themselves. What remained became confused and performative: rituals were preserved, but their symbolic gestures were mistaken for signs of a moral system. Over time, people even projected a structure where none existed. Yet the defining feature of “Hinduism” has been precisely the absence of structure, consistency, or doctrine.

Every morning, at random intervals through the day, and again in the evening, the temple beside our college rang its high-pitched bells for hours, disrupting our studies. No one dared question the noise lest they offend the sanctity of Rani Sati. On the contrary, students regularly visited the temple to seek her blessings.

I urged my peers to report the disturbance, but none supported me. When I went to the police station alone, I was laughed at. This unquestioning reverence—untouched by moral reflection—reveals something deeper about Indian religiosity: a resistance to introspection, a total reliance on ritual, and a deliberate evasion of reason and ethical inquiry.

I bore no ill will toward Rani Sati, but I struggled to find virtue in worshipping someone whose defining act was self-immolation. It is hard to believe she acted out of love, for love, as an individual or moral sentiment, does not exist in India. Relationships are shaped not by emotional truth or duty but by transaction, hierarchy, and the pursuit of advantage. Devotion, in such a society, is not love but submission, driven by fear, conformity, and peer pressure.

This confusion between spirituality and cultural identity runs deep. What passes for religion in India is a tangled web of tribal loyalties, superstition, and spectacle. It does not elevate the soul or inquire into the good of society—it enforces obedience and chases personal, material reward. The temple is no sanctuary of truth but a stage for ego, display, and appeasement.

Spirituality requires stillness, solitude, and moral courage. But Indian religiosity, rooted in noise and fear, drowns out the possibility of self-examination. The divine is not encountered but outsourced to rituals, intermediaries, and idols that absolve the individual of responsibility.

Indian religions distract the individual with hierarchy and ritual. This externalized obedience bleeds into all domains of life. Cultural identity, mistaken for faith, creates an illusion of depth: one feels devout without honesty, righteous without wrestling with right and wrong. Belonging replaces belief. Ritual replaces revelation. To preserve itself, the system breaks the individual and infuses him—through the social process—with a deep and enduring inferiority complex.

By contrast, Western religious traditions—especially the Judeo-Christian legacy—emphasized moral accountability, truth, and the sanctity of individual conscience. Sin was internal, demanding confession, repentance, and reform, not mere performance. God was obeyed, not bribed. Prayer was a striving for alignment with the good, the true, and the just, not a transactional plea for worldly gain.

Regardless of belief, these traditions cultivated habits of self-reflection, ethical consistency, and justice. The Western individual, though imperfect, was trained to ask: Am I right? A mind shaped by expedience and shielded by relativism asks instead: Am I successful? Am I secure within my herd? This is not to deny Western failings, but their sins were, at least, subject to frameworks of truth and justice.

Without a metaphysical anchor, Indian religiosity is entirely instrumental and focused on outcomes, rather than ethics. And if one avoids projecting Western standards of objectivity or moral duality, it becomes clear that ethics is not even part of the framework. Education and careers are entangled with superstition and divine bargaining. Without a concept of sin, personal growth is impossible—only compliance, fear, and endless cycles of blame and appeasement.

Human beings need anchors. When the inner structure of reason, conscience, and moral imagination is absent, they reach for substitutes—idols, babas, celebrities, and rituals. But these are unstable external props. Lacking the stillness required for introspection, they drown in noise, distraction, chaos, and even overpowering smells and colors. There is no pause, no silence, no integration of experience.

The psyche is slippery—nothing sticks. He cannot process memory, reflect on meaning, or make principled decisions. He can only “learn” dos and don’ts—rules that, shaped by his subjective mental framework, are fleeting and must be continually reinforced through fear.

Identity clings to whatever is near: caste, crowd, religion, or trend. But these are themselves unstable, volatile, impersonal, and ever-shifting. The result is chronic instability, a kind of mass neurosis. What passes for religious fervor or national pride is only fear and disorientation in disguise.

Without inner substance, the human being is the perfect subject for manipulation by superstition, politics, and mass culture. He lives in a state of low-grade psychological panic yet lacks the language, tools, or quietude to name it. He suffers from chronic anxiety—and yet, having never examined causality or consequence, and shaped by fatalism, he can appear strangely confident, unbothered, even indifferent in situations that would drive future-oriented people to paranoia.

At a civilizational level, this absence of inner anchoring creates a gravitational pull toward the lowest common denominator. In the absence of a rational and moral fabric, nothing is sustainable. Financial and intellectual capital dissipate rather than accumulate. Forget building, inventing, or improving—what is received, even on a silver platter, cannot be maintained. Entropy becomes the only law.

But the irrationality of belief was only part of the decay. The social environment offered no refuge; it was a crucible of cruelty. In a culture governed by ritual and hierarchy, cruelty becomes casual—a way to assert dominance in a system that rewards submission and punishes integrity. This moral incoherence seeps into interpersonal life, where violence is not an aberration but a rite of passage, repeated without shame or memory of its origin.

I saw this most vividly at university.

Freshers were routinely subjected to physical and sexual abuse by senior students. They were forced to keep their eyes fixed on the ground in the presence of seniors and treated as subhuman. Often woken late at night and summoned to common areas, they endured humiliation and violence under the guise of “ragging.” The abusers—once victims themselves—perpetuated the violence without guilt. No internal compass told them they were wrong; only tradition assured them they were entitled.

The acts were degrading and brutal: some were made to urinate on live electric wires, fondle each other, or masturbate publicly. Forced anal sex was not unheard of. Many suffered lasting physical harm—one student lost an eye; others sustained permanent damage to their eardrums. Yet this cruelty was rationalized as a method of “mentally strengthening” the victims.

These were not isolated incidents of youthful sadism. They revealed something deeper: how violence, if normalized, is self-sustaining. When those same individuals became seniors, I appealed to them to break the cycle. I reminded them of their own humiliation and urged them not to inflict the same pain on others. They responded with blank stares—and the chilling rationale that they needed “an outlet” for their rage. When I suggested directing that rage toward the seniors who had once violated them, they couldn’t comprehend the idea.

Retaliation was never upward—it was always downward. Those who suffered did not seek justice, truth, or moral redress; they redirected the harm. Victims of scams or theft did not express righteous indignation. Instead, they focused on recouping their losses by scamming someone else. Being wronged was not a call to conscience but a cue to find someone weaker to exploit.

This was a civilizational absence of moral causality. Wrongdoing did not awaken the conscience; suffering did not lead to reflection. Pain taught nothing. It simply repeated itself.

This pattern—harm without introspection, pain without principle—permeated every stratum of Indian society. Injustice persisted not despite education and wealth, but often because of them. Trauma did not soften—it brutalized. Lacking moral frameworks, suffering did not ennoble; it degraded.

What remains is tribalism. In the university, the workplace, the village, or the slum—the same logic prevails: protect yourself, crush the weak, conform, or be cast out. Relationships are not governed by conscience but by group identity and fear. The dynamics I witnessed among elite students were indistinguishable from those in the most desperate corners of the country. Privilege did not civilize; it merely weaponized cruelty with greater sophistication.

People often define “karma” in poetic terms. But what I witnessed was a mechanical continuation of abuse, zero-sum thinking, and a complete absence of justice or fairness. It was the life of an automaton—reactive, unconscious, and morally vacant. Consciousness itself seemed to be missing.

The colonial institutions—bureaucracy, courts, police—meant to restrain such decay and structured to enforce the rule of law had been upended, hollowed out, and repurposed for ends precisely opposed to their original design. Shaped by and dependent on the same unjust, irrational, and amoral culture, they functioned not to deliver justice but to preserve appearances. Their goal was not resolution but equilibrium. Bribes replaced law; silence replaced accountability. Atomized and mistrustful, each person was left to fend for themselves in a society that rewarded conformity over conscience and cunning over truth.

Even in school, the rot was evident. If one student erred, the entire class was punished. Authority served not justice but domination. Teachers routinely abused their power, coercing students into taking private tuition or openly demanding bribes. This wasn’t in some obscure rural school, but my prestigious missionary institution. One teacher, whose home I visited for tuition, casually assigned us household chores. Trapped in her house, I would be asked to fetch her shoes.

Did the priests of the school—some of whom were decent men—truly not know? Or did they, like many others in India, turn away from the corruption beneath their roof?

In India, one quickly learns a harsh truth: anyone who can steal will. It doesn’t matter how much they are paid—or perhaps it does, since higher salaries often fuel greater greed. Bureaucrats began demanding larger bribes as their compensation increased. Dismissing someone for theft is rarely considered; doing so would make daily functioning impossible. In households and institutions alike, theft is not regarded as a moral failure—it is simply another cost of doing business.

By degrees, an image began to form in me: India as an amoral, materialistic society devoid of virtue. Immediate desire was all that mattered. The harm one’s actions caused others was irrelevant. No shared ethical language existed—no sense of justice, fairness, or moral repair. Animalistic instincts reigned, thinly veiled by a crumbling veneer of British formality and borrowed civility.

Living in the UK, I encountered a culture where institutions—however imperfectly—tried to protect the weak, where religion demanded personal transformation, and where truth was not a luxury but a duty. There was often someone, somewhere, who stood for what was right, anchored in fairness, truth, and a shared moral compass.

It became clear that without sane, rational, and ethical leadership, India would not merely stagnate—it would regress. Its institutions and society were already unraveling, slipping back into a pre-colonial wilderness where brute force and superstition replaced reason and law. India’s tragedy is not primarily economic or political but spiritual and moral. What haunts the country is not poverty but the normalization of vice: the ability to witness cruelty without protest, to steal without guilt, to obey without reflection, and to worship without love.

There is no shortage of temples, rituals, or gods, but the inner life is absent. Without a concept of sin, there is no redemption. Without truth, no justice. Without the courage to stand alone, no conscience. In such a society, neither reform nor revolution is possible—only repetition.

India’s thinkers and leaders often invoke the past with pride, but it is precisely the past they must be freed from. What is needed is not a return to some imagined cultural greatness but a civilizational break: a turn toward reason, truth, and moral introspection. India does not, for now, need more scientists or engineers; it requires an education in the dignity of the individual, the sanctity of truth, and the discipline of moral courage.

Continue reading…

From LRC, here.

תוכנה ‘עימודית’ לוורד – מבית כתר תורה

תוכנה ‘עימודית’ לוורד כולל ניקוד תימני

לחצו כאן להורדת התוכנה ‘עימודית’ לוורד.

התנסות ראשונית חינם – בהפעלה עצמאית דרך התוכנה.

לחצו כאן להורדת הפרוספקט לתוכנת ‘עימודית’ לוורד.

לחצו כאן לצפיה והורדה של הדרכות הוידאו מגוגל דרייב.

לחצו כאן לצפיה ישירה בהדרכות הוידאו ביוטיוב (פתוח בנטפרי).

כמו כן ניתן להתקשר לטל: 053-41-51-116.

מתוך אתר “נוסח תימן“, כאן.

Sefer ‘Kibbutz Galuyos’ by Rabbi Chananya Weissman

How Can I Bash Israel While Urging Jews to Move There?

It’s not a contradiction; it’s the Torah truth

Today at 4PM Israel time, and every Wednesday at this time, is my weekly Torah class. The new Zoom link to join the live class is below. If you previously registered for the classes, you must use this new link.

https://us05web.zoom.us/j/82043721443?pwd=Ido6V2cqkBNIkvXoxdoq51TBhVbWVK.1


Despite Eretz Yisrael’s central place in the Torah and Jewish life, the issue of living there before Moshiach comes has become a matter of great controversy within Torah-minded circles. There are typically two stereotypes when it comes to this question:

1) The aliya cheerleader

2) The three oaths fundamentalist / Israel basher

The aliya cheerleader relentlessly promotes aliya for one and all, touts both the spiritual and material benefits of life in Israel, reassures his audience that the difficulties of moving to Israel and living there are manageable and often overblown, and warns that the diaspora is bound to become increasingly inhospitable, to put it mildly.

With few exceptions, the aliya cheerleader also tends to be a pom-pom-waving Zionist, who celebrates Israel’s every achievement, no matter how secular (Olympic medals, Nobel Prizes, Eurovision Awards, hi-tech startups, and even being abomination friendly), reveres the IDF with every fibre of his being, staunchly defends Israel and the IDF against all criticism, falls head over heels for any gentile who expresses “support” for Israel (even so little as Israel’s “right to exist” and “right to defend itself”), collaborates with Christian missionary “friends” seeking a stronger foothold in our land, and loathes no one on earth more than Jewish brothers in black hats who have antipathy toward the state and are unwilling to “serve” in its Torah-trampling army. (Genocidal terrorists are a distant second.)

When the state commits atrocities against its own people, such as violently throwing them out of their homes and giving away their land, persecuting citizens and soldiers who defend themselves from attacks, kidnapping and imprisoning Jews without due process, torturing confessions out of innocent people when they need a “Jewish terrorist” (Amiram ben Uliel), the Ringworm affair, the Yemenite Children affair, giving land and weapons to our external enemies, sending soldiers to battle under suicidal rules of engagement, refusing to decisively win a war even when victory is there for the taking, and so much more — the aliya cheerleader shakes his head in dismay, blames it all on leftists, the deep state, and American pressure, and then goes on waving his pom-poms the same as before.

Nothing will change his relationship with the state. No matter how much he is betrayed and abused, the aliya cheerleader will go on waving his pom-poms and the double-pyramid flag with unwavering devotion, while generally covering up or blithely explaining away the dark truths about the state. He has no choice, since otherwise he cannot effectively promote aliya.

The aliya cheerleader is intellectually dishonest.

The three oaths fundamentalist may or may not believe that a single cherry-picked Torah source taken wildly out of context and blown way out of proportion justifies an entire ideology that prohibits Jews from returning to Eretz Yisrael in large numbers and living under their own governance before Moshiach comes.

The vast majority of people who cite these oaths as a reason for remaining in galus — if not THE reason — have absolutely no interest in the Torah’s actual position on the subject, because they want to stay in galus no matter what, and conveniently latch on to whatever supports their choice after the fact. Like so many others who play this game, they are not actually searching for guidance from the Torah and subjugating themselves to Hashem’s will, but hijacking the Torah to suit themselves, while giving off the appearance of religious devotion.

The three oaths fundamentalist is also intellectually dishonest.

This is why he will further justify his position by bashing not just the un-Jewish state, but everything about life in Eretz Yisrael. He delights in this with the same passion as the worst Jew-haters, seizing every opportunity to defame not just the ruling class, but good sincere Jews who resettle the land and make the best of it. The three oaths fundamentalist also shares the Jew-haters’ total lack of nuance and intellectual honesty, penchant for hypocrisy and double standards, lack of critical thinking skills, odious disposition, and even vulgarity.

Then there are those who break stereotypes, who are intellectually honest, and care far more about what the Torah actually teaches than the social approval of a community of clones and drones who are supposed to think alike, or pretend to.

I strongly believe that, barring exceptional circumstances, all Jews should move to Eretz Yisrael or at least seriously aspire to at the earliest feasible time.

I also strongly believe that the founders of the un-Jewish State of Israel were, for the most part, extremely wicked people, and those who continue to rule the land are Erev Rav, who are waging physical and spiritual war against the Jewish people from within, while using their perceived status as representatives of the Jewish people to incite hatred against actual Jews, especially Torah-observant Jews, around the world (as if our enemies need any encouragement).

I strongly believe both of these statements because both of them are true and well-grounded in the Torah. They do not contradict each other.

Continue reading…

From Chananya Weissman, here.

Imported Oppression: ‘Because Everyone Else Jumped Off a Bridge…?!’

If Other Governments Do It, Why Shouldn’t We?

Tuesday, April 29, 2025

Tariffs are not a model to follow.

“If tariffs are so bad for an economy,” asks a popular meme making the rounds these days, “then why do 170 countries have tariffs on American goods?”

Implicit in the question is a dubious assumption, namely, that the governments of those 170 countries would never do anything that didn’t make good sense for their people.

Are you kidding me?

Sometimes, government officials consult the best and most objective experts, carefully weigh the evidence in the scales of justice, and then thoughtfully and magnanimously do the right thing for everybody. They may even ask the Almighty for guidance along the way. I just can’t remember the last time they conducted their business in this fashion.

Government officials usually slop some grease on the squeaky wheel and accept a little campaign grease in return. Bismarck warned us more than a century ago, “To retain respect for sausages and laws, one must not watch them in the making.”

Who do you suppose lobbied those 170 governments for tariffs against American goods? I can assure you that it wasn’t “the masses.”

Public choice economists explain this in terms of “regulatory capture,” when politically connected industries steer policy to serve themselves. The costs are spread thin across millions of people, while the benefits land on the few who lobbied for them. As the late Murray Rothbard put it, if you want to know who pushed for something, just ask, Cui bono?

In a recent year, the European Union as a bloc tariffed US wine at about twice the rate per bottle than the US taxed imports of European wines. This means consumers on both sides of the Atlantic are paying more for wine than they would if there were no tariffs at all.

As an average wine drinker, I bristle at the thought, but I don’t imbibe enough to make it worth my time to write my congressman a letter, let alone buy a plane ticket to Washington to accost him in person.

Likewise in Europe, who do you think hires the lobbyists in Brussels? The winemakers, not the consumers.

Continue reading…

From FEE, here.

חברת ‘שטיבל’ תייצר סולת כשרה וטהורה למקדש

בעוד שנה מהיום, תספק שטיבל מוצרי מדף של סולת ארץ-ישראלית מהתבואה של השנה החדשה, כשרה למנחות ולשתי הלחם

מקור ראשון

כ”ט בסיון ה׳תשפ”ה 25.06.2025 | 20:38

בחברת טחנות הקמח זיהו לאחרונה התעניינות בסוג הסולת המסוים הדרוש לצורך המנחות במקדש – ויחלו בייצורו מהשנה הבאה

צביה סביר מכפר זיתים שבגליל התחתון עוסקת כבר שנים בפענוח אופן ההכנה המדויק של המנחות במקדש. חלות שתי הלחם עלו לאחרונה לכותרות בעקבות הנפתן בשטח עזרת המקדש בהר הבית בחג השבועות, אולם סביר עוסקת בתחום הזה כבר שנים ארוכות לצד עוד כמה דמויות בודדות שלהוטות לעניין.

במסגרת מאמציה לשחזור אופן הכנת הסולת הדרושה למנחות, עומדת סביר זה שנים בקשר עם ראשי חברת טחנות הקמח “שטיבל”. המגעים בין הצדדים הללו הביאו לקבלת החלטה בחברה בשנת 2019 לרכוש ציוד שיאפשר הכנת סולת כשרה וטהורה למזבח, סולת בתהליך יבש, אם כי בפועל הדבר לא נוסה עד לחודש האחרון.

בדרך כלל עוברת החיטה לפני טחינתה תהליך הלחה, אולם פעולה כזו מגדירה את הסולת מבחינה הלכתית כ”מוכשרת לקבל טומאה”, ואילו לצורך מנחות המקדש נדרש דווקא תהליך יבש. מבחינה מקצועית הדבר מסבך את מהלך העניינים והופך את הפקת הסולת למורכבת יותר, אולם בשטיבל זרמו עם “שגעונותיה” של סביר והקימו כאמור קו ייצור שמאפשר גם הפקת סולת “יבשה”.

בדרך כלל מייצרים סולת רק מ-3-5% מכלל הגרעין, אחרת הדבר עלול לפגוע באיכות שאר הקמח המופק מהחיטה. העובדה הזו, כמו גם חוסר הוודאות הכללי בנוגע לתהליך הפקה שטרם נוסה עד כה כראוי – גורם לכך שכדי להפיק את עשרת הקילוגרמים לצורך התרגול השנתי של שתי הלחם שמקיימים ארגוני המקדש, נדרש לא פחות מחצי טון חיטה. בדרך לא דרך ובלא מעט מסירות סביר אכן הצליחה להשיג השנה חצי טון חיטה אורגנית, ולהביא אותה לחברת שטיבל. מסיבות הלכתיות היה צריך לוודא שמדובר בחיטה שגדלה בארץ הקודש. בסופו של דבר נשלחה כנראה ברכה משמיים, ומחצי טון החיטה שסיפקה סביר הופקו ארבעים קילוגרמים של סולת. סביר סיפרה על כך בהרצאות שהעבירה – ובמהרה הוצפה שטיבל בפניות רבות של גורמים נוספים שהביעו עניין בסולת ארץ ישראלית שכשרה למנחות ולשתי הלחם.

בשטיבל הסיקו מכך שקיים ביקוש לסולת המיוחדת הזו, ובישרו כעת לסביר שלאור ההתעניינות הגדולה קיבלו החלטה לפתוח קו ייצור כזה. החל מסביבות סיוון תשפ”ו, בעוד שנה מהיום, תספק שטיבל מוצרי מדף של סולת ארץ-ישראלית מהתבואה של השנה החדשה, כשרה למנחות ולשתי הלחם. במהלך השנה הקרובה יבחנו בשטיבל את המכשור הנדרש כדי להעלות את איכות החיטה הזו המופקת כאמור בהליך יבש. “חיטה חדשה תופחת פחות טוב”, מנמקת סביר את המורכבות בדרישה ההלכתית שמנחת הביכורים תוכן דווקא מהתבואה החדשה. “לא סתם כך כל הטחנות מיישנות את החיטה קודם לטחינה במשך שלושה חודשים. ובכל זאת בשטיבל התגמשו בעניין הזה. אנשי שטיבל הם אידיאליסטים גדולים ומכיוון שהם התרשמו שקיים שוק לדבר הזה, הם יספקו מלאי מצומצם – אולם כזה שבמידת הצורך יספיק למלוא התצרוכת השנתית של הסולת הדרושה למזבח שבמקדש, ותחשב טהורה”.

דוד פרידמן (פרידי), מנהל מחקר ופיתוח בטחנות הקמח שטיבל, איננו חובש כיפה ובכל זאת מעורה היטב בהיבטים ההלכתיים של מנחות המקדש. ספק אם בבתי המדרש השונים מעורים כמותו בפרטים ההלכתיים הקטנים הנוגעים לטהרת וכשרות המנחות. פרידי מסביר לקונית ש”הרעיון קיים, נבדק, צריך להשתפר, כאשר העיקרון הוא סולת שמבוססת על חיטה מקומית מסוימת, שנטחנת ומופקת בתהליך יבש לחלוטין”.

יש בכלל ביקוש למוצר כזה?

“אני לא יודע. אנחנו עוסקים בדברים מתוך אמונה ושליחות מקצועית. אנחנו לא מגיבים לביקוש לדברים שאינם, אלא יוצרים את הדברים המקצועיים שביכולתנו – ויוצרים לזה את הביקוש. זה מוצר שייצרו לפני אלפיים שנה. בטכנולוגיות שקיימות היום אנחנו מנסים לחקות מוצר שהיה קיים אז והרבה מאוד ממקורותינו עוסקים בו”.

אתם לאו דווקא דתיים, אז מה מביא אתכם לעשות צעד כזה בתחום שאפילו בשיח הדתי לא עוסקים בו כמעט?

“ארון הספרים היהודי איננו שייך לחלק מסוים בעם ישראל, למרות שיש המנסים להתגדר בבעלות עליו”.

אשאל אחרת: מה מביא חברה עסקית להשקיע במוצר שבמשך אלפיים שנה לא היה לו ביקוש?

“אנחנו חברה עסקית משפחתית שקיימת כבר מעל תשעים שנה ועוסקת בחזון. החברה מטפחת זן חיטה ישראלי. חלק מהישיבה בארץ ישראל הוא גם לטעת, לגדל שדה ולבנות בית. שטיבל מצאה לפני שנים זן חיטה ישראלי בעל תכונות טובות מאוד, והיא דואגת לזרוע אותו, ליצור ממנו קמח ייחודי מחיטה ישראלית שגדלה בשדות עידית בארץ ישראל ומשווקת אותו כמוצר”.

סולת כשרה למקדש זה מוצר שמשתלם כלכלית?

“לא. אבל אנחנו חברה משפחתית שיש לה גם תפיסת עולם, ואני מאמין שלאורך זמן זה יהיה כלכלי. חברות עסקיות ציבוריות חיות ממאזן למאזן. לחברות משפחתיות שפועלות כבר דור רביעי, יש יותר אורך רוח לפתח מוצר גם בלי תוצאות כלכליות מיידיות. צריך לתכנן לטווח ארוך, כי אם לא תתכנן לטווח ארוך לא תגיע לשם. אנחנו צריכים להיות קשורים לשורשים שלנו במקום. אנחנו רואים אצל הגויים את המקום המיוחד שיש למה שגדל אצלם, בארצם ובאזור שלהם.

“לעניין הסולת המסוימת הזו, אנחנו כרגע במערכת של ניסויים. אם רוצים להפיק אותה בסמוך לחג השבועות כך שתוכל לשמש לשתי הלחם או למנחת הסולת, קיימת בעיה של מועד הקציר, כי החיטה הטובה היא חיטה אפילה יחסית, חיטה שמבשילה מאוחר. ומכיוון שזה מוצר שצריך להיות מטופל במיוחד, כי באותה תקופה החיטה הכללית של ארץ ישראל עוד לא מעושרת ואנחנו רוצים שהדבר הזה יהיה כשר, צריך לטפל בכל הדבר הזה באופן נפרד ולייצר תהליך טכנולוגי שמאפשר זאת”.

פרידי מבהיר שבעניין הזה אין לשטיבל מה להסתיר, כי בתחום שהיה שרוי במשך אלפיים שנים בתרדמת טרם התעוררה עד כה תחרות מקצועית. הוא גם מבהיר שאיננו מביע עמדה על חידוש המקדש כיום. “‫עסקתי הרבה בענייני לחם הפנים ‫והמחקר שלו”, הוא מציין, “אבל לא מתוך כוונה להצטרף מחר ‫לבית גרמו”. בית גרמו, יש להסביר למי שאיננו מעורה במקורות, היתה המשפחה הממונה על הכנת לחם הפנים ושאר המנחות. “זה חלק מהלימוד שלנו”, מוסיף פרידי, “ואנחנו נשמח לשתף בו ‫גם את הציבור. מופיעים במקורות תיאורים מפורטים מאוד מי קנו את החיטה למקדש, היכן גידלו אותה, איך טחנו אותה ו‫כשהגזבר היה בא לקנות את הסולת, כיצד היה בודק אותה. בלוח זמנים שהצבנו לעצמנו, אני מניח ש‫לקראת פברואר הקרוב נסיים את הבדיקות שלנו בעניין הסולת המסוימת הדרושה למנחות ונהיה חכמים יותר ‫לקראת יבול החיטה ‫בשנה הבאה”.