As we commemorate the 25th anniversary of the Oklahoma City bombing, the worst incident of domestic terrorism in our nation’s history, we now know for certain that our government’s public account and explanation of circumstances surrounding that heinous crime was bogus. The truth lies in a suppressed version of events, one which was described by President Bill Clinton’s General Counsel Abner Mikva as “not information that should be on paper.” (Emphasis added.)
This article will for the first time present key elements of that suppressed information, on paper for the public.
For such an order to be issued by Mikva, the Oklahoma City bombing must have posed what can only be described as a mortal threat to Clinton’s political future, and to the reputation of many federal agencies involved.
During my Marine Corps career with nearly five years with the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the Office of the Secretary of Defense, I have seen our nuclear war-fighting plans as well as our most sensitive intelligence reports – both were “on paper.”
The account offered here is the result of 24 years of research on my part, including 11 years of working closely with the legendary McCurtain Daily Gazette reporter, J.D. Cash, and collaborating with dozens of other professional and citizen journalists committed to uncovering the full truth behind the Oklahoma City bombing and its aftermath.
Whatever Mikva ordered not to be put “on paper,” was seen as more threatening to his client, the president, than the compromise of any other information in the entire U.S. government. But, as is the case of any federal government cover up, information was spread far too widely among various agencies for Mikva’s edict to be completely effective.
Over the past 25 years records have been released, often in seemingly unrelated cases, which have provided key elements of this mosaic – enough for us now to piece together the core of the damaging information of such concern to the president’s senior legal adviser.
OKBOMB, as the FBI titled the case, was the result of a federal law enforcement operation that went terribly wrong for reasons still unknown.
Suppressing information about this ugly truth was Mikva’s objective when he issued his extraordinary order to go off paper. Released as a memorandum on letterhead marked, “EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT,” the date was May 25, 1995, five weeks after the bombing and after the case had supposedly been solved.
This date was exactly three weeks after this newspaper published J.D. Cash’s first story on OKBOMB. Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols were in jail awaiting trial. Bombing conspirator and white nationalist Michael Fortier had agreed to be the star prosecution witness against his former Army buddies.
Mikva’s order confirming the mortal threat to the Clinton presidency was released by the Clinton Presidential Library in 2016 as one of the 1500 pages characterized as pertinent to President Barack Obama’s nomination of federal judge Merrick Garland to fill a vacancy on the U.S. Supreme Court.
Garland arrived in Oklahoma City just two days after the bombing and was the senior on-site Justice Department lawyer in charge of the investigation. After four weeks, he returned to Washington where he continued to supervise both the investigation and preparing the government’s prosecution for McVeigh’s and Nichols’ federal court trials.
A memorandum between two White House attorneys recorded Mikva’s unprecedented order and was intended for Deputy Chief of Staff Harold Ickes, with this subject line: “Terrorism note for H”.
These first two sentences offer a candid disclosure of what will be referred to as the suppressed “Mikva version”:
The Justice Department has stopped working on the terrorism question. They say this is because Ab [Abner Mikva] instructed them that this is not information that should be on paper. (Emphasis added.)
Please read this historic statement again.
To put it in context, at the very time the president’s General Counsel issued his extraordinary suppression order, there was much ongoing work on “terrorism” questions that was on paper. Oklahoma City bombing documents publicly accessible at the Clinton Presidential Library show hundreds of pages of legal, policy and political questions regarding terrorism being examined by lawyers both inside and outside of the federal government.
Any question about whether Mikva’s edict dealt with OKBOMB, was answered three years later in a media interview. No longer in the White House, Mikva was interviewed about a dispute concerning congressional oversight between the Department of Justice and the Chairman of the House Judiciary Committee.
The Chicago Tribune reporter wrote of Mikva’s admission:
Abner Mikva, a former White House counsel, federal judge, and Chicago congressman said Congress must move cautiously. [The Department of] Justice handles sensitive investigations, from terrorism to organized crime, and many techniques must remain secret, Mikva said.
“If Chairman Hyde starts asking about all the dollars they spent in Oklahoma City, that can compromise some very, very delicate information,” added Mikva, a Democrat. “How much of that does he really want to get into?” (Emphasis added.)
Mikva belatedly attempted damage control, having blurted out some sensitive words of his own about the suppressed truth, but it was too late. His claim that this matter was a budget issue is ludicrous. The Justice Department and the FBI had previously boasted about the 82 million dollars spent on OKBOMB, presenting this figure as yet another indicator, albeit a phony one, of the thoroughness of the investigation, and assurance that all perpetrators had been identified and convicted. (Mikva died in 2016 without public comment on his “not-on-paper’ order.)
Adding to the critical importance assigned this suppression effort are other White House records showing that Garland met during this period with Mikva’s Deputy General Counsel, Elena Kagan, who now serves on the U.S. Supreme Court.
This document from the Executive Office of the President confirms what had been obvious to J.D. Cash and others who observed this unprecedented suppression of evidence and obstruction of justice in a federal criminal case.
More importantly, we now know why OKBOMB federal prosecutors suppressed evidence on such a massive level: it incriminated more than a dozen additional perpetrators who either directly participated in the bombing, or provided support to the wider conspiracy that murdered 168 of our fellow citizens.
The version crafted by Garland and presented in the federal trials of McVeigh and Nichols was a bogus one whose purpose was to conceal the identity of federal informants who were members of the wider bombing conspiracy.
Despite the coronavirus outbreak and almost the complete shutdown of international travel to Israel, deceased Jews from around the world continue to be flown to Israel for burial.
“The Land of Israel is a very special place for Jewish people to be buried. The flights have been reduced heavily, but there are cargo flights. So it may take a bit longer, but we are getting people coming in,” said Rabbi Michoel Fletcher, who works with Jews abroad seeking to buy burial plots in Israel, The AP reported on Saturday.’
Fletcher said some in New York have decided to temporarily bury their dead in the United States, and then later exhume the bodies when flights to Israel resume.
Jews have sought to be buried in Israel for thousands of years and continue to be flown in by private charter planes, cargo flights and other companies. A burial plot can cost from between a few thousand to tens of thousands of dollars, depending on the cemetery.
The Israeli Foreign Ministry said 300 bodies, some of COVID-19 victims, have arrived since February, according to the report. The process is complex and involves handling companies, local Israeli consulates, and the Israeli Health Ministry.
An unidentified Israeli aviation official told the AP that a cargo flight that arrives in Israel from Belgium five times a week brings in about 20 bodies a flight—“an exceptional amount.” Most of the bodies come from France, and there is also a weekly cargo flight from New York, the official said.
ספר ארחות שבת ח”ג פרק כ”ח, בנושא “עירוב שכונתי”, עמ’ קסט פותח כך:
“ראינו לנכון לכתוב בקצרה את היתרונות שיש בעירוב השכונתי על פני העירוב הכללי של העיר… [הערת שוליים: וכבר האריך בזה בספר מגילת ספר על הלכות שבת]”
לאחר שמביא חששות חמורים בעירובי הרבנות הראשית של המדינה בלשון עדינה בסימנים א’ וב’ (צורות הפתח מתקלקלות הרבה מאוד, וכו’), הוא כותב את הדברים המפליאים הבאים (עמ’ קע, סימן ג’):
מחיצות העשויות מצורת הפתח אינן מועילות אם רשות הרבים דאורייתא בוקעת בהם, ולכן עירוב כללי של העיר הנסמך על צורות הפתח מועיל רק אם כבישי הכניסה לעיר אינם בגדר רשות הרבים דאורייתא, אבל באופן שיש לכבישים אלו דין רשות הרבים מהתורה הרי הם מבטלים את צורת הפתח העוברת במקום הכביש, והעירוב הכללי של העיר נסמך על השיטות הסוברות שכאשר אין ששים ריבוא אנשים המהלכים במקום בכל יום אין לה דין רשות הרבים דאורייתא. ובימינו מצויות ערים שנכנסים בהן ששים רבוא בכל יום ובערים כאלו לא היה המנהג להקל כלל. ובעירוב השכונתי פעמים שיש אפשרות לעשותו באופן שיש מחיצות גמורות שהעומד בהן מרובה על הפרוץ וצורת הפתח רק מתקנת את הפרצות ובכהאי גוונא לדעת הרבה פוסקים אין דרך הרבים מבטלת את צורת הפתח, וראה הערה.
נכפול בהדגשה:
העירוב הכללי של העיר נסמך על השיטות הסוברות שכאשר אין ששים ריבוא אנשים המהלכים במקום בכל יום אין לה דין רשות הרבים דאורייתא. ובימינו מצויות ערים שנכנסים בהן ששים רבוא בכל יום ובערים כאלו לא היה המנהג להקל כלל.
שים לב: אין זה נוגע לדעות בהלכה, אפילו שיטות יחידאה שלא נאמר בהן כל המיקל בעירובין וכו’, או אפי’ טעיות בהבנה, שהרי אין דרכו של ספר “ארחות שבת” להכריע כ”כ, אלא לסילופים גמורים וזדוניים. ובלשון החנופה של המחבר, “לא היה המנהג להקל כלל”, (כאילו די ב”מנהג” להקל).
