Year: 2024

Did Corona Pack Hospitals?

The single most important interview I’ve ever done: former Kaiser nurse Gail Macrae

90% of the COVID deaths in hospitals were attributed to COVID treatment protocols. ICU doc estimated up to an 80% increase in mortality due to the COVID vaccine.

STEVE KIRSCH
JAN 1, 2024

Executive summary

My interview with former Kaiser Permanente Santa Rosa nurse Gail Macrae is the single most devastating interview I’ve done since I first started speaking out against the COVID vaccine in May 2021.

Key points of the interview include:

  • Hospitals were actually empty when the press told us they were full.
  • 90% or more of the COVID deaths were actually caused by the treatment protocols dictated from above, not the virus. There were both early treatments as well as inpatient treatments available that reduced the COVID death rate by over 90%.
  • The COVID vaccines increased all-cause mortality in hospitals by up to 80% according to one ICU doctor I spoke to who worked in the same hospital as Gail and made meticulous notes on patient outcomes.
  • One of the potential reasons people believed that there was a “pandemic of the unvaccinated” is that the EMR systems were programmed to default all COVID cases to unvaccinated and nurses weren’t told how to change it.
  • After the vaccines rolled out for an age group is when the hospitals started seeing very unusual things they’ve never seen or rarely seen before for that age group.
  • Doctors are still afraid to speak out.

Bottom line: it wasn’t the virus that caused the pandemic. It was our response to the virus (top-down dictated treatment protocols and vaccination directives) that caused nearly all the morbidity and mortality. It was all preventable had we listened to the people that our government wanted to silence.

Today, there is still a total lack of transparency of what happened in hospitals in 2021 after the shots rolled out. If the protocols and vaccinations were a huge success, why aren’t we seeing any hospital publish their numbers?

Continue reading…

From Steve Kirsch’s newsletter, here.

תוספות: רב ‘היהודי’ הולך לשבת מעל כמה מרבותיו

תוספות ב”ב י’ ב’:

עליונים למטה ותחתונים למעלה, פי’ ר”ח דאמרו הגאונים שקבלה בידם רב מפי רב דעולם הפוך היינו שראה שמואל דהוה יתיב קמיה דרב יהודה תלמידיה משום דמיחה בשמואל בפרק במה בהמה (שבת נ”ה א’) גבי ההיא איתתא דאתיא וצוחא קמיה דשמואל ולא אשגח בה א”ל רב יהודה לית ליה למר אוטם אזנו מזעקת דל וגו’.

יהללך זר. ולא? פיך…!

המדינה = ‘ילד כאפות’. היא מזמינה התעללות מכל עבר

כל גוי יודע שניתן לשלוח קטין. הרי המדינה כובלת את עצמה שלא לפגוע בקטינים.

גם ה”קנאים” הבינו את המסר.

הנה דוגמא לאחרונה מהתקשורת:

בן 15 נעצר: חנות סלולר הוצתה הלילה בבית שמש – ונשרפה כליל

(בלי להביע דעה על עצם הענין. הבנתי שיש חניות שמוכרות כל מכשיר לכל גיל, ואף מוכרות קבצי סרטים בתשלום.)

When Can We Expect To Hear a Similar Speech in the Holy Land?

Disclaimer: I’m not calling for anything, of course, just wondering if this will come to pass, or when.

Patrick Henry’s famous March 1775 speech against the king and the redcoats before the Revolutionary War, “Liberty or Death”:

NO man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope that it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen, if entertaining, as I do, opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely, and without reserve.

This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery. And in proportion to the magnitude of the subject, ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country.

Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country and of an act of disloyalty towards the majesty of Heaven which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth – and listen to the song of the siren [a reference to Homer’s epic tale, The Odyssey] till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the house?

Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with these warlike preparations [by the British] which cover our waters and darken our land.

Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation – the last arguments to which kings resort.

I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motives for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging.

And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer on the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain.

Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted?

Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned – we have remonstrated – we have supplicated – we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament.

Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne.

In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free – if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending – if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained – we must fight!

I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak – unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of Hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot?

Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of the means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us.

Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave.

Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat, but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged, their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable – and let it come!

I repeat it, sir, let it come!

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, peace, peace – but there is no peace. The war is actually begun. The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have?

Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death!